....the reversal of the socialist system in Europe. The timeliness and necessity of socialism.


Throughout the 1980s and into the 1990s, developments and changes were taking place that shook the world. In the political system of the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries of Europe, political conditions were created which opened the road to the restoration of capitalist relations in these countries. The main events in this dramatic story were the annexation of the German Democratic Republic, the dissolution of both the Warsaw Treaty and the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) and the disintegration of the USSR in 1991.
These developments placed a number of serious, crucial questions before the international communist and progressive movement, and obliged it to study and search for their causes and to arrive at the necessary assessments and conclusions. This was a duty which objectively presupposed the substantial and responsible contribution of each party, as well as the all-round collective effort of the international revolutionary and progressive movement. Such an effort can and must be constantly enriched as time and scientific research bring to light new historical facts and aspects of these dramatic developments.
The political resolution of the 14th Congress of KKE emphasized the need for a profound and comprehensive study of the course of building socialism, and for our party to draw conclusions and experience, in cooperation with other communist and workers' parties. Within this framework, the Central Committee decided to produce a text containing thoughts on these topics, to organise the essential inner-party and public dialogue on the subject and to convene a national party conference. The C.C. believes that this text can constitute a starting point for reflections, dialogue and multiform discussions both inside and outside the party, with left and progressive working people, with every person of good will who thinks and worries about the social regression which has occurred in the socialist countries with dramatic international repercussions.
For reasons of economy, the subject matter in the text has been focused on the following, most serious issues:
The appearance of socialism on the European continent and the assessment of its contribution, its construction under conditions of ceaseless, tough confrontation with imperialism, and its enormous contribution to humanity and the peoples' struggle for social emancipation, progress and peace.
The conditions and circumstances that shaped the political developments in Europe and the world more generally following the adverse changes of 1989-91.
The counter-revolutionary policy of "perestroika" which began with the slogans "restructuring and renewal" of socialism, but proved to constitute the vehicle by which the socialist political system was overthrown and the means for creating the conditions leading to the restoration of capitalism.
The search for and identification of the various factors and deeper causes of this adverse development, and the extraction of the necessary assessments and conclusions.
The critical evaluation of our party's stance throughout this period.
And the necessity and timeliness of socialism, in contrast with capitalist barbarism and the "new order". In examining all these subjects, we focused our attention on certain issues which we believe to be particularly serious and crucial. They are:
The interweaving and interdependence of the external and internal, of subjective and objective factors which, along the way, created the conditions for the overthrow of the regimes in the socialist countries of Europe.
Within this framework, we are trying to investigate the role of imperialism as a serious external factor which exerted a significant and multiple influence. This is obvious from its systematic and intense aggressiveness, from its continuous and permanent effort to take revenge, from its multiform and systematic exploitation of the internal difficulties and mistakes which appeared along the road to the socialist construction, and from the large number of facts and data that prove the longstanding anti-socialist operation planned and focused on the target of regaining lost ground.
The effect of the subjective factor and the extent to which it was able to respond to the complex demands of the struggle, from the appearance of socialism until the events of 1989-91. This is an issue with obvious special significance, especially since we consider that the capitalist regression was not inevitable. "Perestroika" appeared at a time when problems had accumulated due to mistakes, inadequacies and difficulties stemming from the complexity of situations and from unprecedented problems, but also to backing down and deviations of an ideological nature in face of the hurdles which appeared in the confrontation with imperialism and its aggressiveness.
The foregoing has obliged us objectively to focus our attention also on examining the system of contradictions in socialism, on taking advantage of the scientific and technological revolution, on developing theory and science, on examining the dialectical relationship between democracy and centralism in the political system and the economy, on the strategy and tactics of confronting imperialism, and on the role of the international communist movement The major adverse developments of recent years have not in the least altered our unwavering conviction and faith in the socialist and communist prospect as a historic necessity and potentiality. The overthrow of a series of socialist regimes cannot constitute the overthrow of the Marxist-Leninist theory of social evolution and even less so can it invalidate this theory. Human history is a process of constant progress which takes place by means of endless and unforeseeable regressions and set-backs. The four great social formations which preceded socialism were successively replaced. The transition from the lower to the higher form of society, "from the realm of necessity to the realm of freedom" is an immutable law.
Today it is not possible to predetermine the amount of time that will be required for the victory of socialism and the appearance of communism on a world scale. It will be a long process. It will not be one "action" which will immediately wipe out all the historically inevitable limitations that prevent humans from acting freely and consciously in all senses of the word. But through a variety of difficulties and possible set-backs, history will lean in that direction, toward the full elimination of every means of subjugation and restriction of human activity, toward the basic communist principle "from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs".

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aye well - socialism's all well & good but.... it's NO as tasty as the real thing!


THE REVOLUTIONARY CATECHISM

by Nechayev

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

The Duties of the Revolutionary toward Himself

1. The revolutionary is a doomed man. He has no personal interests, no
business affairs, no emotions, no attachments, no property, and no
name. Everything in him is wholly absorbed in the single thought
and the single passion for revolution.

2. The revolutionary knows that in the very depths of his being, not
only in words but also in deeds, he has broken all the bonds which
tie him to the social order and the civilized world with all its
laws, moralities, and customs, and with all its generally accepted
conventions. He is their implacable enemy, and if he continues to
live with them it is only in order to destroy them more speedily.

3. The revolutionary despises all doctrines and refuses to accept the
mundane sciences, leaving them for future generations. He knows
only one science: the science of destruction. For this reason, but
only for this reason, he will study mechanics, physics, chemistry,
and perhaps medicine. But all day and all night he studies the
vital science of human beings, their characteristics and
circumstances, and all the phenomena of the present social order.
The object is perpetually the same: the surest and quickest way of
destroying the whole filthy order.

4. The revolutionary despises public opinion. He despises and hates
the existing social morality in all its manifestations. For him,
morality is everything which contributes to the triumph of the
revolution. Immoral and criminal is everything that stands in its
way.

5. The revolutionary is a dedicated man, merciless toward the State and
toward the educated classes; and he can expect no mercy from them.
Between him and them there exists, declared or concealed, a
relentless and irreconcilable war to the death. He must accustom
himself to torture.

6. Tyrannical toward himself, he must be tyrannical toward others. All
the gentle and enervating sentiments of kinship, love, friendship,
gratitude, and even honor, must be suppressed in him and give place
to the cold and singleminded passion for revolution. For him, there
exists only one pleasure, on consolation, one reward, one
satisfaction -- the success of the revolution. Night and day he
must have but one thought, one aim -- merciless destruction.
Striving cold-bloodedly and indefatigably toward this end, he must
be prepared to destroy himself and to destroy with his own hands
everything that stands in the path of the revolution.

7. The nature of the true revolutionary excludes all sentimentality,
romanticism, infatuation, and exaltation. All private hatred and
revenge must also be excluded. Revolutionary passion, practiced at
every moment of the day until it becomes a habit, is to be employed
with cold calculation. At all times, and in all places, the
revolutionary must obey not his personal impulses, but only those
which serve the cause of the revolution.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

The Relations of the Revolutionary toward his Comrades

8. The revolutionary can have no friendship or attachment, except for
those who have proved by their actions that they, like him, are
dedicated to revolution. The degree of friendship, devotion and
obligation toward such a comrade is determined solely by the degree
of his usefulness to the cause of total revolutioary destruction.

9. It is superfluous to speak of solidarity among revolutionaries. The
whole strength of revolutionary work lies in this. Comrades who
possess the same revolutionary passion and understanding should, as
much as possible, deliberate all important matters together and come
to unanimous conclusions. When the plan is finally decided upon,
then the revolutionary must rely solely on himself. In carrying out
acts of destruction, each one should act alone, never running to
another for advice and assistance, except when these are necessary
for the furtherance of the plan.

10. All revolutionaries should have under them second- or third-degree
revolutionaries -- i.e., comrades who are not completely initiated.
these should be regarded as part of the common revolutionary
capital placed at his disposal. This capital should, of course, be
spent as economically as possible in order to derive from it the
greatest possible profit. The real revolutionary should regard
himself as capital consecrated to the triumph of the revolution;
however, he may not personally and alone dispose of that capital
without the unanimous consent of the fully initiated comrades.

11. When a comrade is in danger and the question arises whether he
should be saved or not saved, the decision must not be arrived at
on the basis of sentiment, but solely in the interests of the
revolutionary cause. Therefore, it is necessary to weigh carefully
the usefulness of the comrade against the expenditure of
revolutionary forces necessary to save him, and the decision must
be made accordingly.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

The Relations of the Revolutionary toward Society

12. The new member, having given proof of his loyalty not by words but
by deeds, can be received into the society only by the unanimous
agreement of all the members.

13. The revolutionary enters the world of the State, of the privileged
classes, of the so-called civilization, and he lives in this world
only for the purpose of bringing about its speedy and total
destruction. He is not a revolutionary if he has any sympathy for
this world. He should not hesitate to destroy any position,
any place, or any man in this world. He must hate everyone and
everything in it with an equal hatred. All the worse for him if he
has any relations with parents, friends, or lovers; he is no
longer a revolutionary if he is swayed by these relationships.

14. Aiming at implacable revolution, the revolutionary may and
frequently must live within society will pretending to be
completely different from what he really is, for he must penetrate
everywhere, into all the higher and middle-classes, into the houses
of commerce, the churches, and the palaces of the aristocracy, and
into the worlds of the bureaucracy and literature and the military,
and also into the Third Division and the Winter Palace of the Czar.

15. This filthy social order can be split up into several categories.
The first category comprises those who must be condemned to death
without delay. Comrades should compile a list of those to be
condemned according to the relative gravity of their crimes; and
the executions should be carried out according to the prepared
order.

16. When a list of those who are condemned is made, and the order of
execution is prepared, no private sense of outrage should be
considered, nor is it necessary to pay attention to the hatred
provoked by these people among the comrades or the people. Hatred
and the sense of outrage may even be useful insofar as they incite
the masses to revolt. It is necessary to be guided only by the
relative usefulness of these executions for the sake of revolution.
Above all, those who are especially inimical to the revolutionary
organization must be destroyed; their violent and sudden deaths
will produce the utmost panic in the government, depriving it of
its will to action by removing the cleverest and most energetic
supporters.

17. The second group comprises those who will be spared for the time
being in order that, by a series of monstrous acts, they may drive
the people into inevitable revolt.

18. The third category consists of a great many brutes in high
positions, distinguished neither by their cleverness nor their
energy, while enjoying riches, influence, power, and high positions
by virute of their rank. These must be exploited in every possible
way; they must be implicated and embroiled in our affairs, their
dirty secrets must be ferreted out, and they must be transformed
into slaves. Their power, influence, and connections, their wealth
and their energy, will form an inexhaustable treasure and a precious
help in all our undertakings.

19. The fourth categoy comprises ambitious office-holders and liberals
of various shades of opinion. The revolutionary must pretend to
collaborate with them, blindly following them, while at the same
time, prying out their secrets until they are completely in his
power. They must be so compromised that there is no way out for
them, and then they can be used to create disorder in the State.

20. The fifth category consists of those doctrinaires, conspirators,
and revolutionists who cut a great figure on paper or in their
cliques. They must be constantly driven on to make compromising
declarations: as a result, the majority of them will be destroyed,
while a minority will become genuine revolutionaries.

21. The sixth category is especially important: women. They can be
divided into three main groups. First, those frivilous,
thoughtless, and vapid women, whom we shall use as we use the third
and fourth category of men. Second, women who are ardent, capable,
and devoted, but whom do not belong to us because they have not yet
achieved a passionless and austere revolutionary understanding;
these must be used like the men of the fifth category. Finally,
there are the women who are completely on our side -- i.e., those
who are wholly dedicated and who have accepted our program in its
entirety. We should regard these women as the most valuable or our
treasures; without their help, we would never succeed.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

The Attitude of the Society toward the People

22. The Society has no aim other than the complete liberation and
happiness of the masses -- i.e., of the people who live by manual
labor. Convinced that their emancipation and the achievement of
this happiness can only come about as a result of an all-destroying
popular revolt, the Society will use all its resources and energy
toward increasing and intensfying the evils and miseries of the
people until at last their patience is exhausted and they are
driven to a general uprising.

23. By a revolution, the Society does not mean an orderly revolt
according to the classic western model -- a revolt which always
stops short of attacking the rights of property and the traditional
social systems of so-called civilization and morality. Until now,
such a revolution has always limited itself to the overthrow of one
political form in order to replace it by another, thereby
attempting to bring about a so-called revolutionary state. The
only form of revolution beneficial to the people is one which
destroys the entire State to the roots and exterminated all the
state traditions, institutions, and classes in Russia.

24. With this end in view, the Society therefore refuses to impose any
new organization from above. Any future organization will
doubtless work its way through the movement and life of the people;
but this is a matter for future generations to decide. Our task is
terrible, total, universal, and merciless destruction.

25. Therefore, in drawing closer to the people, we must above all make
common cause with those elements of the masses which, since the
foundation of the state of Muscovy, have never ceased to protest,
not only in words but in deeds, against everything directly or
indirectly connected with the state: against the nobility, the
bureaucracy, the clergy, the traders, and the parasitic kulaks. We
must unite with the adventurous tribes of brigands, who are the
only genuine revolutionaries in Russia.

26. To weld the people into one single unconquerable and
all-destructive force -- this is our aim, our conspiracy, and our
task.

i sent a copy to gordon brown - thought he might welcome some new fresh ideas for the britizh laboor party - wot 'cha reckon?

DIMITRI

i have it on VERY good authority that nechayev was a hoot at dinner parties...... really!

With regards to the last two posts...
"interweaving and interdependence of the external and internal, of subjective and objective factors" Eh?

I must admit that it has been a few years now since I have spent time in Hamburg but I honestly can see any of the Anti-Fa St. Pauli fans I knew being interested in any of the shit?

Not that any of that should stop people from posting political opinions. I am not saying that we should not allow such posts on this forum but I really think such intellectual rubbish is totally out of touch with the current RASH/Antfi-fa scene and is best left to the middle class talking shops.

How can anyone possibly consider the regimes that existed in eastern europe before 91 as Socialism. It was centrally planned State capitalism and to use the term socialist is an insult to working class people.

As for Nechayev... "he must be tyrannical toward others. All
the gentle and enervating sentiments of kinship, love, friendship,
gratitude, and even honor, must be suppressed in him"
Is this from Mein Kampf? It's exactly this kind of totalitarian crap which we are supposed to be fighting against. With all due respect, do yourself a favour comrade and read some Kropotkin.

What seems to be one of the disasters of our time is that we all appear to agree that the nation-state is the norm.Whether the state be Marxist or capitalist, it makes no difference. The dominant ideology is that of sovereignty.
Jacques Ellul

Ross wrote:

With regards to the last two posts...

You read them?

Sadly I haven't got the patience - as soon as I see that many words I "jog on"!!!!

More power to you, Ross.

John x

Stalinism sucks.

As an interesting fact: More leading members of the German communist party (KPD) were murdered in the Sowiet Union than in Nazi-Germany. Of course they were all traitors ...

We as the radical left must get rid of those Stalinist clowns.

you all "heroes" of the working class speak with aphorisms,its better you acquire political arguments....

WTF?!

I dont understand any of this. Am I supposed to?

Well that is just the point, does anyone understand this, does anyone care? If not how can we talk about using this kind of political ideology to improve society nevermind bringing about a working class revolution?

I am not overtly against Lenninst or Trotskite politics but neither of the two original posts make any reference to the things that matter to working classes...
free trade unionism, common ownership of industry, communal living, a decent living wage, better council housing, improved working conditions? What of free healthcare, good public transport, anti-racism, environmentalism, an end to nuclear weapons? A lack of these ended the USSR, it was a shite place to live.

The second post is much like capitalism, all it has to offer society is violence and more violence, all it speaks of is war, hate and killing. The working classes of europe will never join this type revolution because social changes are driven by the dream of peace and the hope for a better world. Revolution does not come from some kind of de-humanized fanatical obedience to the party?

Ross, Dimitri is a bit of a wind-up merchant. I doubt even he considers Nechayevian nihilism to be of revolutionary potential. He's playing with our long-winded Stalinist...

Of course, he'll probably go ahead and prove me wrong now for the sheer hell of it.

Ross wrote:

With regards to the last two posts... "interweaving and interdependence of the external and internal, of subjective and objective factors" Eh? I must admit that it has been a few years now since I have spent time in Hamburg but I honestly can see any of the Anti-Fa St. Pauli fans I knew being interested in any of the shit? Not that any of that should stop people from posting political opinions. I am not saying that we should not allow such posts on this forum but I really think such intellectual rubbish is totally out of touch with the current RASH/Antfi-fa scene and is best left to the middle class talking shops. How can anyone possibly consider the regimes that existed in eastern europe before 91 as Socialism. It was centrally planned State capitalism and to use the term socialist is an insult to working class people. As for Nechayev... "he must be tyrannical toward others. All the gentle and enervating sentiments of kinship, love, friendship, gratitude, and even honor, must be suppressed in him" Is this from Mein Kampf? It's exactly this kind of totalitarian crap which we are supposed to be fighting against. With all due respect, do yourself a favour comrade and read some Kropotkin. What seems to be one of the disasters of our time is that we all appear to agree that the nation-state is the norm.Whether the state be Marxist or capitalist, it makes no difference. The dominant ideology is that of sovereignty. Jacques Ellul

1910% agreed!
If I may add to the reading list: In regards to the so-called socialist states in eastern europe and elsewhere I recommend Augustin Souchy"s (German Anarchist who fought in Spain and went to the Soviet Union and Cuba) "Testimonios sobre la Revolución Cubana" or his memories of Barcelona during the Spanish Civil War (

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).

From the comfortable depths of his dressing gown he produces his match box and relights his pipe, adjusts his slippers and reflects on how stress-free it is to be an armchair anarcho-hedonist......
More tea and biscuits anyone?

Being on my hols I took the time to read both massive missives - while I tend to agree with Ross I appreciated the content of both. My political stance continues to evolve, as should everyone's, so I enjoy reading and synthesizing all relevant thoughts. Keep posting, keep arguing, keep thinking....

GeordieLes wrote:

From the comfortable depths of his dressing gown he produces his match box and relights his pipe, adjusts his slippers and reflects on how stress-free it is to be an armchair anarcho-hedonist...... More tea and biscuits anyone?

Anarcho-Hedonism worldwide! Being part of the Anarcho-Hedonistic Fussballfront (AHFF) and loosely associated with these scary bastards (check:

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) I greatly appreciate any further discussion about implemeting the principles of Anarcho-Hedonism vs. orthodox believes anytime and anywhere!